The founder of the reorganized Communist Party of the Philippines believes Nacionalista Party standard-bearer Manny Villar has a relatively better program of government compared to his rival, Liberal Party presidential candidate Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III.
In an interview with D.L. Mondelo of Bulatlat.com, CPP founder Jose Ma. Sison lamented that Villar's programs have been underplayed during the presidential campaign. He said that among Villar's programs are "land reform and self-reliant food production, expansion of local manufacturing to generate employment, support for small and middle entrepreneurs, peace negotiations, review of the Visiting Forces Agreement, respect for human rights and indemnification of the victims of human rights violations and independent foreign policy."
On the other hand, he lambasted Aquino and his running mate, Mar Roxas, as "rabid exponents of the US-dictated policy of neoliberal globalization, which has put the Philippine economy in severe crisis and is inflicting terrible suffering on the people."
Sison said Aquino would probably follow the example set by his mother, the late president Cory Aquino, by paying lip service to land reform "but will actually prevent it in so many clever ways."
"In the particular case of Hacienda Luisita, he will insist on the scam or swindle called the stock distribution option in order to prevent land reform. He promises a clean and honest government but the Kamag-Anak, Inc. and other vested interests are financing his campaign and are prepared to collect the spoils of bureaucrat capitalism and subservience to foreign economic interests," he said.
Sison also noted that Villar seemed to be more amenable to reviving peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front. He said Aquino would probably get advice from former senator Wigberto Tañada and Quezon 4th District Rep. Lorenzo Tañada on the matter of peace negotiations. He warned, however, that some elements in the Aquino camp are "rabid anti-communists and pseudo-progressives who will advise Aquino to pretend being for peace negotiations as a way of deceiving the people."
The CPP founder also defended the inclusion of Bayan Muna Rep. Satur Ocampo and Gabriela Rep. Liza Maza as guest senatorial candidates of Villar's Nacionalista Party. The alliance has put Sison and Maza on the same slate as Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr., son of the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos.
Sison said Ocampo and Liza threatened to withdraw from the NP slate after learning that the NP would forge an alliance with Marcos and his political party, Kilusang Bagong Lipunan.
"They were satisfied only after Villar publicly clarified that they were not compromised as guest candidates in the senatorial slate by the inclusion of Bongbong as another guest candidate and that the program of the NP remains firm on respect for human rights and indemnification of the victims of human rights violations during the Marcos regime," he said.
source - http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/04/11/10/joma-sison-favors-villar-over-noynoy-report
Monday, April 19, 2010
LP: Ampatuan backing shows Villar’s ‘true colors’
Liberal Party candidates Sen. Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III and Manuel “Mar” Roxas II are elated that Unsay Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr. has finally shown his “true colors.”
Aquino and Roxas were referring to Ampatuan’s admission that he was backing the presidential bid of Nacionalista Party Manuel “Manny” Villar and one of his senatorial candidates Gilbert Remulla (a brother-in-law of Ampatuan counsel Sigfrid Fortun).
Ampatuan proudly wore orange and purple baller IDs of Villar and Remulla respectively.
Aquino said Ampatuan and Villar probably understood each other more.
Roxas said the alliance between one of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s most loyal allies and Villar was another proof of the “Villaroyo” conspiracy.
“It speaks for itself, volumes in fact,” he said referring to Ampatuan who was being charged for the murder of 57 individuals last November in his home turf of Maguindanao.
LP senatorial bet Dr. Martin Bautista sounded off his concerns on the impact of Ampatuan’s support for Villar on his multiple murder case.
“If Villar becomes president, how will this arrangement affect the ongoing investigation of the Maguindanao massacre? Does this mean the victims will be deprived of justice?” he said.
Meanwhile, Villar has started to distance himself from Ampatuan.
He said he had no control over the distribution of his campaign materials, including the orange wristbands.
“I don’t give out baller IDs,” Villar said Friday, in an ambush interview in Dagupan City.
The senator said it was unfair to blame him for something he was not involved in. “They are trying to make a big issue out of it.”
“I haven’t talked to anyone of them,” Villar said, referring to members of the powerful Ampatuan clan implicated in the Maguindanao massacre. “We haven’t talked … and I have no plans of talking with them.”
He said the rival LP had just found another issue to divert attention from the continued exodus of former economic managers of President Arroyo to the NP camp.
source - http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/nation/view/20100417-264752/LP-Ampatuan-backing-shows-Villars-true-colors
Aquino and Roxas were referring to Ampatuan’s admission that he was backing the presidential bid of Nacionalista Party Manuel “Manny” Villar and one of his senatorial candidates Gilbert Remulla (a brother-in-law of Ampatuan counsel Sigfrid Fortun).
Ampatuan proudly wore orange and purple baller IDs of Villar and Remulla respectively.
Aquino said Ampatuan and Villar probably understood each other more.
Roxas said the alliance between one of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s most loyal allies and Villar was another proof of the “Villaroyo” conspiracy.
“It speaks for itself, volumes in fact,” he said referring to Ampatuan who was being charged for the murder of 57 individuals last November in his home turf of Maguindanao.
LP senatorial bet Dr. Martin Bautista sounded off his concerns on the impact of Ampatuan’s support for Villar on his multiple murder case.
“If Villar becomes president, how will this arrangement affect the ongoing investigation of the Maguindanao massacre? Does this mean the victims will be deprived of justice?” he said.
Meanwhile, Villar has started to distance himself from Ampatuan.
He said he had no control over the distribution of his campaign materials, including the orange wristbands.
“I don’t give out baller IDs,” Villar said Friday, in an ambush interview in Dagupan City.
The senator said it was unfair to blame him for something he was not involved in. “They are trying to make a big issue out of it.”
“I haven’t talked to anyone of them,” Villar said, referring to members of the powerful Ampatuan clan implicated in the Maguindanao massacre. “We haven’t talked … and I have no plans of talking with them.”
He said the rival LP had just found another issue to divert attention from the continued exodus of former economic managers of President Arroyo to the NP camp.
source - http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/breakingnews/nation/view/20100417-264752/LP-Ampatuan-backing-shows-Villars-true-colors
Tuesday, April 13, 2010
The man who turned his back on Villar
By Aries Rufo, abs-cbnNEWS.com/Newsbreak | 04/12/2010 1:16 PM
Dismissal
He narrated that when his superiors sensed that he would not be a party to corruption, they schemed to demoralize him in the hope that he would soon quit. He was transferred to the group’s non-core businesses.
He wrote that he was eventually blamed for bungled operations and given orders difficult to implement. Then he was told that he had no more future in Villar’s company.
Out of frustration, Mendoza said that if they really wanted him to resign, they would have to pay him P25 million.
On May 22, 2009, Mendoza got a notice of termination “for serious misconduct, gross and habitual neglect of duties and willful breach of the trust and confidence by the Company.”
It said Mendoza lost company’s trust and confidence when he threatened during the performance appraisal meeting that he “will bring down the Company” with him.
Mendoza also warned Villar’s senior officers that he “knew something about the company’s boss (referring to Villar)” which they said was tantamount to blackmail. They said Mendoza threatened to provide documents to Villar’s political enemies and was asking P25 million in exchange for his cooperation.
For the money
Mendoza wrote in his complaint that he stayed as a lawyer for Villar’s companies for 5 years largely because of the compensation from his job. He was getting P100,000 for his legal services.
He was only getting P25,000 a month in his previous job as a lawyer handling pro-bono cases at the Chavez Miranda Aseoche Law Office.
But while former Solicitor General Frank Chavez inspired him at the law firm to champion the poor and condemn corruption, he decided to accept the offer from Villar’s company to serve as in-house counsel. He was about to get married and the fat pay check was inviting.
He wrote that the career move “would expose him not only to a life of luxury but also to a life of corruption within and (outside) his workplace and the very principles and morals he possessed would be put to a test.”
He pondered: “Would he choose a life of comfort in exchange for his principles? Would he just keep quiet about the corruption he just discovered? Does Senator Villar know about the policy of corruption of his senior officers?”
Personality problems
In an interview, Mendoza’s former boss Nalen Rosario-Galang said his allegations are all lies.
She explained that Mendoza has a problem with authority since he could not get along with superiors and colleagues. She also said he has illusions of grandeur.
“I did not see that (personality problem) when I hired him. I thought he was okay,” Galang said.
Galang said she asked around and found out that Mendoza had the same personality problems with his former employers.
Chavez, in a separate interview, debunked Galang’s claim on Mendoza behavior at work.
He said Mendoza was a team player. “I had no problems with him.”
Galang wondered why it took Mendoza five years to come out with his supposed expose, saying “this was contrary to human nature.” When asked why it took her five years to terminate Mendoza, Galang said she pitied Mendoza.
She acknowledged that Mendoza as a lawyer is effective. “He could have been second in command.”
Galang said she is preparing disbarment proceedings against Mendoza for violating the legal ethics of confidentiality between a lawyer and a client.
When asked why she will pursue a case against Mendoza only now, she said she had not wanted to dignify Mendoza’s allegations.
source : http://news.abs-cbn.com/-depth/04/12/10/man-who-turned-his-back-villar
Dismissal
He narrated that when his superiors sensed that he would not be a party to corruption, they schemed to demoralize him in the hope that he would soon quit. He was transferred to the group’s non-core businesses.
He wrote that he was eventually blamed for bungled operations and given orders difficult to implement. Then he was told that he had no more future in Villar’s company.
Out of frustration, Mendoza said that if they really wanted him to resign, they would have to pay him P25 million.
On May 22, 2009, Mendoza got a notice of termination “for serious misconduct, gross and habitual neglect of duties and willful breach of the trust and confidence by the Company.”
It said Mendoza lost company’s trust and confidence when he threatened during the performance appraisal meeting that he “will bring down the Company” with him.
Mendoza also warned Villar’s senior officers that he “knew something about the company’s boss (referring to Villar)” which they said was tantamount to blackmail. They said Mendoza threatened to provide documents to Villar’s political enemies and was asking P25 million in exchange for his cooperation.
For the money
Mendoza wrote in his complaint that he stayed as a lawyer for Villar’s companies for 5 years largely because of the compensation from his job. He was getting P100,000 for his legal services.
He was only getting P25,000 a month in his previous job as a lawyer handling pro-bono cases at the Chavez Miranda Aseoche Law Office.
But while former Solicitor General Frank Chavez inspired him at the law firm to champion the poor and condemn corruption, he decided to accept the offer from Villar’s company to serve as in-house counsel. He was about to get married and the fat pay check was inviting.
He wrote that the career move “would expose him not only to a life of luxury but also to a life of corruption within and (outside) his workplace and the very principles and morals he possessed would be put to a test.”
He pondered: “Would he choose a life of comfort in exchange for his principles? Would he just keep quiet about the corruption he just discovered? Does Senator Villar know about the policy of corruption of his senior officers?”
Personality problems
In an interview, Mendoza’s former boss Nalen Rosario-Galang said his allegations are all lies.
She explained that Mendoza has a problem with authority since he could not get along with superiors and colleagues. She also said he has illusions of grandeur.
“I did not see that (personality problem) when I hired him. I thought he was okay,” Galang said.
Galang said she asked around and found out that Mendoza had the same personality problems with his former employers.
Chavez, in a separate interview, debunked Galang’s claim on Mendoza behavior at work.
He said Mendoza was a team player. “I had no problems with him.”
Galang wondered why it took Mendoza five years to come out with his supposed expose, saying “this was contrary to human nature.” When asked why it took her five years to terminate Mendoza, Galang said she pitied Mendoza.
She acknowledged that Mendoza as a lawyer is effective. “He could have been second in command.”
Galang said she is preparing disbarment proceedings against Mendoza for violating the legal ethics of confidentiality between a lawyer and a client.
When asked why she will pursue a case against Mendoza only now, she said she had not wanted to dignify Mendoza’s allegations.
source : http://news.abs-cbn.com/-depth/04/12/10/man-who-turned-his-back-villar
How Villar built business empire with deceit, corruption: ex-lawyer
Written by Aries Rufo
Monday, 12 April 2010
First Part of above series.
Pandora’s box of testimony
The Norzagaray land case is just one of the many legal cases faced by Villar’s real estate empire, which was spawned by the production and sale of affordable houses.
Interviews with different sources and documents show his companies have been fending off legal disputes, mostly land grabbing cases, like the Norzagaray case.
In 2004, Villar hired Atty. Restituto Mendoza to handle problematic raw land cases for Household Development Corp., one of the firms under his real estate empire.
Mendoza has a pending complaint before the National Labor Relations Commission for illegal dismissal. Named respondents were Villar, his flagship real estate firm Vista Land and Lifescapes Inc., Casa Regalia, Adelfa Properties and lawyers and officers of the companies. Newsbreak obtained a copy of the complaint, including other documents.
In the labor case, Mendoza opened the Pandora’s box of irregularities of Villar’s businesses, practices and ethics. It was a tell-all testimony, bordering on violating the lawyer-client privilege, as he accused Villar of bribery, corruption, deceit and fraud in rebuilding his empire from bankruptcy.
Mendoza charged Villar on the ground that he is well aware of the practices of the firms' senior officers—from paying off government officials and judges to faking titles—to skirt potential legal issues. Mendoza said Villar is a hands-on manager, supposedly even concerned about where to put trash cans in the subdivision projects.
Newsbreak sought to corroborate Mendoza’s serious allegations, which included duping another land developer, Ayala Land, and an alleged attempt to bribe Customs officials to release an undervalued crane imported by his company, MGS Corp. We found some corroborative documents and information to back up Mendoza’s claims.
Ayala Land, which got questionable titles as in exchange for a previous P300 million loan from a Villar firm, has yet to reply to our query as of this posting. Customs officials, on the other hand, provided data of the botched importation.
Violation of lawyer-client relationship
Villar’s chief legal officer, Ma. Nalen Rosero-Galang, who has been countering the land grabbing complaints hurled against Villar since the campaign began, dismissed Mendoza’s stories and narration as “all lies.” In an interview with Newsbreak, Galang said she is “shocked of Mendoza’s allegations.”
Galang pointed out that Mendoza took five years to come out and expose the unethical practices of Villar’s businesses.
“I would have wanted to ignore him so as not to dignify his claims,” Galang said in an interview. Besides, she added that Mendoza’s claims would not have been admissible in court since “it violates the lawyer-client relationship.”
“Actually I pity him, since no one would want to hire him as a lawyer after this,” she added.
We also sought to interview Mendoza, but he begged off, saying his complaint would suffice. Mendoza was dismissed in May last year and filed his complaint in August.
The C-5 controversy
In his complaint, Mendoza mentioned some of the properties that benefitted from the controversial C5 road extenstion project. The road traversed through 50-52 hectares of Villar’s property holdings.
source - http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/04/12/10/how-villar-built-business-empire-deceit-corruption-ex-lawyer
Monday, 12 April 2010
First Part of above series.
Pandora’s box of testimony
The Norzagaray land case is just one of the many legal cases faced by Villar’s real estate empire, which was spawned by the production and sale of affordable houses.
Interviews with different sources and documents show his companies have been fending off legal disputes, mostly land grabbing cases, like the Norzagaray case.
In 2004, Villar hired Atty. Restituto Mendoza to handle problematic raw land cases for Household Development Corp., one of the firms under his real estate empire.
Mendoza has a pending complaint before the National Labor Relations Commission for illegal dismissal. Named respondents were Villar, his flagship real estate firm Vista Land and Lifescapes Inc., Casa Regalia, Adelfa Properties and lawyers and officers of the companies. Newsbreak obtained a copy of the complaint, including other documents.
In the labor case, Mendoza opened the Pandora’s box of irregularities of Villar’s businesses, practices and ethics. It was a tell-all testimony, bordering on violating the lawyer-client privilege, as he accused Villar of bribery, corruption, deceit and fraud in rebuilding his empire from bankruptcy.
Mendoza charged Villar on the ground that he is well aware of the practices of the firms' senior officers—from paying off government officials and judges to faking titles—to skirt potential legal issues. Mendoza said Villar is a hands-on manager, supposedly even concerned about where to put trash cans in the subdivision projects.
Newsbreak sought to corroborate Mendoza’s serious allegations, which included duping another land developer, Ayala Land, and an alleged attempt to bribe Customs officials to release an undervalued crane imported by his company, MGS Corp. We found some corroborative documents and information to back up Mendoza’s claims.
Ayala Land, which got questionable titles as in exchange for a previous P300 million loan from a Villar firm, has yet to reply to our query as of this posting. Customs officials, on the other hand, provided data of the botched importation.
Violation of lawyer-client relationship
Villar’s chief legal officer, Ma. Nalen Rosero-Galang, who has been countering the land grabbing complaints hurled against Villar since the campaign began, dismissed Mendoza’s stories and narration as “all lies.” In an interview with Newsbreak, Galang said she is “shocked of Mendoza’s allegations.”
Galang pointed out that Mendoza took five years to come out and expose the unethical practices of Villar’s businesses.
“I would have wanted to ignore him so as not to dignify his claims,” Galang said in an interview. Besides, she added that Mendoza’s claims would not have been admissible in court since “it violates the lawyer-client relationship.”
“Actually I pity him, since no one would want to hire him as a lawyer after this,” she added.
We also sought to interview Mendoza, but he begged off, saying his complaint would suffice. Mendoza was dismissed in May last year and filed his complaint in August.
The C-5 controversy
In his complaint, Mendoza mentioned some of the properties that benefitted from the controversial C5 road extenstion project. The road traversed through 50-52 hectares of Villar’s property holdings.
source - http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/04/12/10/how-villar-built-business-empire-deceit-corruption-ex-lawyer
Villar firm faked titles through 'layering': ex-lawyer
Written by Aries Rufo
Tuesday, 13 April 2010
Second of 3 parts
MANILA, Philippines – A case involving parcels of land where a property developed by one of the real estate companies of presidential aspirant Manuel Villar Jr. now stand is an example of how layering and faked documents were employed to acquire properties.
The land case, which involves contested properties in Cavite, was cited by dismissed lawyer Restituto Mendoza in a complaint he filed before the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC). He used to be the in-house counsel of Adelfa Properties, one of the real estate properties in the Villar Group.
The labor complaint, which Newsbreak obtained, turned out to be a tell-all testimony on the legal practices of some real estate companies that spawned the much-touted wealth of Villar. (Newsbreak counter-checked Mendoza’s claims in the labor complaint against other documents and interviews. Newsbreak also attended 2 hearings of the labor case at the NLRC.)
This case, Mendoza wrote in his complaint, illustrates the reach of Villar’s and his men’s tentacles of corruption to get their way. “It was in this case where complainant (Mendoza) witnessed the brazen corruption of Senator Villar’s senior officers,” Mendoza said in his complaint.
This is the particular case where he “never felt guiltier,” and was a reason why he turned his back on Villar.
x x x
Fictitious documents
While the legal defense was being prepared, one of Villar’s senior officers, engineer Mommar Santos, “wasted no time in talking to LMB officials on how Adelfa could secure the reversal of their previous decision in favor of Adiao,” Mendoza explained in his complaint filed at the labor department.
Santos is a known fixture and fixer at LMB, according to LMB officials interviewed by Newsbreak who requested for anonymity for fear of losing their jobs. Two of the LMB officials told Newsbreak that Santos tried to offer them bribes in relation to the Imus Estate land case.
Mendoza said he was instructed by Santos to file motion for reinvestigation. Mendoza obeyed, submitting documents provided by Santos, such as sales certificate, letter authorizing registration and letter from the Director of Lands to support Adelfa Properties’ claims.
At that time, Mendoza said he was “amazed at the resourcefulness of Mommar (Santos) because in a short time, he was able to secure the documentary evidence.”
He would later find out that the documents were fictitious, “as would be later on admitted to him by Mommar.”
In contrast with Adelfa Properties, which provided original documents, Mendoza pointed out that Adiao could not produce original documents to back up his claim.
In his labor complaint, Mendoza said (Mommar) Santos would later admit to him that the Adelfa Properties documents were all falsified with the help of LMB officials.
“The falsified sales certificate indicates the applicant-awardee as Villanueva and used dates prior to the ones existing in favor of Adiao. Worse, complainant (Mendoza) was also told that the existing documents initially found in the name of Adiao were pulled off from the records to make it appear that only the falsified records were existing,” Mendoza narrated.
The surveyor’s findings went in Villar’s favor.
P7 million settlement
LMB officials that Newsbreak interviewed could only shake their heads that a surveyor’s finding in favor of the Villar group on the Imus friar land estate could overturn that of a 5-man committee composed of lawyers.
They heard money exchange hands, but could not corroborate it with other evidence or testimony.
In documents supporting his labor complaint, Mendoza noted that concerned LMB officials received money for a favorable ruling. “Here, I witnessed the brazen power of corruption when Mommar (Santos), the senior engineer handling the case with me, immediately met with the officers at LMB, including the hearing officer to devise a way to counter the previous ruling. Upon the advise of the LMB officials, the company presented falsified mother titles, sales certificate and other documents that would establish that the title of Villanueva is validly issued when in truth it was not,” Mendoza wrote in his labor complaint.
Mendoza said he would also find out that Adiao’s heirs were paid P7 million in bribe money as settlement for the Imus Estate case. The settlement money was a drop in the bucket as it salvaged what could have been a P300 million reinstated debt of Villar to Ayala Land, Mendoza said.
It was at this point that Mendoza said he struggled internally, whether he was winning his cases or through “lakad,” or under the table negotiation.
Eventually, he had a falling out with his superiors, then he was dismissed. -
source : http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/04/13/10/how-villar%E2%80%99s-firm-acquired-land-thru-fake-documents-layering-ex-lawyer
Tuesday, 13 April 2010
Second of 3 parts
MANILA, Philippines – A case involving parcels of land where a property developed by one of the real estate companies of presidential aspirant Manuel Villar Jr. now stand is an example of how layering and faked documents were employed to acquire properties.
The land case, which involves contested properties in Cavite, was cited by dismissed lawyer Restituto Mendoza in a complaint he filed before the National Labor Relations Commission (NLRC). He used to be the in-house counsel of Adelfa Properties, one of the real estate properties in the Villar Group.
The labor complaint, which Newsbreak obtained, turned out to be a tell-all testimony on the legal practices of some real estate companies that spawned the much-touted wealth of Villar. (Newsbreak counter-checked Mendoza’s claims in the labor complaint against other documents and interviews. Newsbreak also attended 2 hearings of the labor case at the NLRC.)
This case, Mendoza wrote in his complaint, illustrates the reach of Villar’s and his men’s tentacles of corruption to get their way. “It was in this case where complainant (Mendoza) witnessed the brazen corruption of Senator Villar’s senior officers,” Mendoza said in his complaint.
This is the particular case where he “never felt guiltier,” and was a reason why he turned his back on Villar.
x x x
Fictitious documents
While the legal defense was being prepared, one of Villar’s senior officers, engineer Mommar Santos, “wasted no time in talking to LMB officials on how Adelfa could secure the reversal of their previous decision in favor of Adiao,” Mendoza explained in his complaint filed at the labor department.
Santos is a known fixture and fixer at LMB, according to LMB officials interviewed by Newsbreak who requested for anonymity for fear of losing their jobs. Two of the LMB officials told Newsbreak that Santos tried to offer them bribes in relation to the Imus Estate land case.
Mendoza said he was instructed by Santos to file motion for reinvestigation. Mendoza obeyed, submitting documents provided by Santos, such as sales certificate, letter authorizing registration and letter from the Director of Lands to support Adelfa Properties’ claims.
At that time, Mendoza said he was “amazed at the resourcefulness of Mommar (Santos) because in a short time, he was able to secure the documentary evidence.”
He would later find out that the documents were fictitious, “as would be later on admitted to him by Mommar.”
In contrast with Adelfa Properties, which provided original documents, Mendoza pointed out that Adiao could not produce original documents to back up his claim.
In his labor complaint, Mendoza said (Mommar) Santos would later admit to him that the Adelfa Properties documents were all falsified with the help of LMB officials.
“The falsified sales certificate indicates the applicant-awardee as Villanueva and used dates prior to the ones existing in favor of Adiao. Worse, complainant (Mendoza) was also told that the existing documents initially found in the name of Adiao were pulled off from the records to make it appear that only the falsified records were existing,” Mendoza narrated.
The surveyor’s findings went in Villar’s favor.
P7 million settlement
LMB officials that Newsbreak interviewed could only shake their heads that a surveyor’s finding in favor of the Villar group on the Imus friar land estate could overturn that of a 5-man committee composed of lawyers.
They heard money exchange hands, but could not corroborate it with other evidence or testimony.
In documents supporting his labor complaint, Mendoza noted that concerned LMB officials received money for a favorable ruling. “Here, I witnessed the brazen power of corruption when Mommar (Santos), the senior engineer handling the case with me, immediately met with the officers at LMB, including the hearing officer to devise a way to counter the previous ruling. Upon the advise of the LMB officials, the company presented falsified mother titles, sales certificate and other documents that would establish that the title of Villanueva is validly issued when in truth it was not,” Mendoza wrote in his labor complaint.
Mendoza said he would also find out that Adiao’s heirs were paid P7 million in bribe money as settlement for the Imus Estate case. The settlement money was a drop in the bucket as it salvaged what could have been a P300 million reinstated debt of Villar to Ayala Land, Mendoza said.
It was at this point that Mendoza said he struggled internally, whether he was winning his cases or through “lakad,” or under the table negotiation.
Eventually, he had a falling out with his superiors, then he was dismissed. -
source : http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/nation/04/13/10/how-villar%E2%80%99s-firm-acquired-land-thru-fake-documents-layering-ex-lawyer
Saturday, April 3, 2010
Monomania?
IN respect of his goals in life, ambitious is the one single word that best describes the personality type of Nacionalista Party presidential candidate Manny Villar. His life is an absorbing tale of grit and determination, of goals set and achieved, of a long and seemingly endless single-minded quest for money and personal achievement.
Manny Villar comes from a middle class family. His claim that they were poor has been proven as totally baseless. It is nothing more than a ploy to court the sympathy – and snag the votes – of those who belong to the ranks of what are euphemistically called the "underprivileged" or the "less fortunate". All nine siblings never enrolled in public schools but studied in private schools. How poor is that?
His story begins with the all-too-familiar account of a young man assiduously trying to finish his education, gaining employment, setting up a business, and trying to clamber up the social ladder. Except that his story takes on a decidedly pleasant twist – by design or by a happy accident of fate, he marries into a wealthy, land owning Las Piñas family that also happens to wield political power and could well be the longest-lasting political dynasty in the country.
It is not clear whether Manny dreamed of becoming a political somebody from the very start. It appears, however, that his marriage to the former Cynthia Aguilar became his ticket into the rarefied world of politics, eventually launching a political career and affording him a shot to national prominence.
Villar’s rise in politics started in 1992 when he won as Congressman of Muntinlupa-Las Piñas. Through astute political maneuvering and probably aided by financial clout, he became Speaker of the House in 1998, in the process thwarting the rival bid of then Makati Congressman Joker Arroyo.
Joker later became a close ally of Villar. Before that however, the Makati solon denounced Villar on the floor of Congress, accusing him of three serious infractions of the law in connection with the loans that Villar, while serving as a member of Congress, obtained from government financing institutions to fund his real estate business.
Arroyo said Villar violated Article XI, Section of the Constitution (that deals with matters involving conflict of interest), Republic Act 6713 or the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials, and Republic Act 3019, otherwise known as the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act.
There are other equally grave accusations hurled against the standard bearer of the Nacionalista Party, virtually all of them involving land issues, in which he is supposed to have used his power and influence as a public official.
The most serious among them is the alleged double insertion of P200 million in the public works budget for the C-5 Road extension project, which was reportedly rerouted so that it would pass along the subdivisions of his real estate firms. The controversy resulted in his ouster as Senate president. The result of the Senate investigation of the allegations against Villar declared him guilty and even ordered him to reimburse the P6.2 billion of government money that was said to have been wasted because of the rerouting.
Recently, more than a hundred Dumagat tribesmen from Norzagaray, Bulacan held successive rallies before the Department of Agrarian Reform, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, and Office of the Ombudsman to denounce Villar and his wife, Congresswoman Cynthia. This is an alleged land grabbing case that was the subject of an earlier column, which elicited no rebuttal from the NP or Villar camps.
The Dumagats claim studied inaction on the part of government agencies handling the graft and plunder charges they filed against the senator in 2008. A separate case had been filed against Rep. Villar before the Office of the City Prosecutor of San Jose del Monte for alleged swindling.
Villar is also involved in another land dispute where one of his firms, Crown Asia, is accused of land grabbing. This has to do with a 2.18 hectare property in San Pedro, Laguna sequestered by the Presidential Commission and is said to be owned by the government.
Crown Asia’s claim is being contested by residents and settlers in the area, who said the Calamba City Register of Deeds has no record of the title and Deed of Absolute Sale that Crown Asia presented to prove its claim. It appears that the Supreme Court has declared the land as sequestered property, ownership of which is expected to be formally transferred by the Sandiganbayan to the government anytime soon. The residents are saying that once the transfer to the government is effected, they expect to be given pre-emptive rights to buy and own the property.
What all these indicate is that in his dealings and actions, whether in business, sports, gambling or in politics, clearly Manny Villar will spare nothing to get what he wants. What happens if, despite all his efforts, he still doesn’t get what he wants?
Unfortunately for him, many of his land deals seem to be tainted with controversy, some bordering on dishonesty. In this regard, Senators Jamby Madrigal and Panfilo Lacson had accused him of graft.
Former President Joseph Estrada says that Villar attempted to bribe him. Three of Villar’s colleagues in the Senate – Dick Gordon, Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile and Madrigal also aired similar accusations. All these supposed bribery attempts are heavily loaded with political undertones and could well be aimed at countering Vilar’s overweening political ambitions.
In aiming for the presidency, he is like a man possessed who will employ all means, including spending a scandalous amount, estimated at more than P2 billion as of this month, to fuel his relentless drive to capture Malacañang.
Truly, Manny Villar is turning out be a man with a monomaniacal mind.
Personally, I am uneasy with monomaniacs whether in business, sports or politics.
The reality is that he just might become president. And that is scary. What if, should he become our president, he is tempted (as all our presidents have been), to become our president for life? Then, he would be one-up on GMA.
source : http://www.malaya.com.ph/03292010/edducky.html
Manny Villar comes from a middle class family. His claim that they were poor has been proven as totally baseless. It is nothing more than a ploy to court the sympathy – and snag the votes – of those who belong to the ranks of what are euphemistically called the "underprivileged" or the "less fortunate". All nine siblings never enrolled in public schools but studied in private schools. How poor is that?
His story begins with the all-too-familiar account of a young man assiduously trying to finish his education, gaining employment, setting up a business, and trying to clamber up the social ladder. Except that his story takes on a decidedly pleasant twist – by design or by a happy accident of fate, he marries into a wealthy, land owning Las Piñas family that also happens to wield political power and could well be the longest-lasting political dynasty in the country.
It is not clear whether Manny dreamed of becoming a political somebody from the very start. It appears, however, that his marriage to the former Cynthia Aguilar became his ticket into the rarefied world of politics, eventually launching a political career and affording him a shot to national prominence.
Villar’s rise in politics started in 1992 when he won as Congressman of Muntinlupa-Las Piñas. Through astute political maneuvering and probably aided by financial clout, he became Speaker of the House in 1998, in the process thwarting the rival bid of then Makati Congressman Joker Arroyo.
Joker later became a close ally of Villar. Before that however, the Makati solon denounced Villar on the floor of Congress, accusing him of three serious infractions of the law in connection with the loans that Villar, while serving as a member of Congress, obtained from government financing institutions to fund his real estate business.
Arroyo said Villar violated Article XI, Section of the Constitution (that deals with matters involving conflict of interest), Republic Act 6713 or the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials, and Republic Act 3019, otherwise known as the Anti-Graft and Corrupt Practices Act.
There are other equally grave accusations hurled against the standard bearer of the Nacionalista Party, virtually all of them involving land issues, in which he is supposed to have used his power and influence as a public official.
The most serious among them is the alleged double insertion of P200 million in the public works budget for the C-5 Road extension project, which was reportedly rerouted so that it would pass along the subdivisions of his real estate firms. The controversy resulted in his ouster as Senate president. The result of the Senate investigation of the allegations against Villar declared him guilty and even ordered him to reimburse the P6.2 billion of government money that was said to have been wasted because of the rerouting.
Recently, more than a hundred Dumagat tribesmen from Norzagaray, Bulacan held successive rallies before the Department of Agrarian Reform, the Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, and Office of the Ombudsman to denounce Villar and his wife, Congresswoman Cynthia. This is an alleged land grabbing case that was the subject of an earlier column, which elicited no rebuttal from the NP or Villar camps.
The Dumagats claim studied inaction on the part of government agencies handling the graft and plunder charges they filed against the senator in 2008. A separate case had been filed against Rep. Villar before the Office of the City Prosecutor of San Jose del Monte for alleged swindling.
Villar is also involved in another land dispute where one of his firms, Crown Asia, is accused of land grabbing. This has to do with a 2.18 hectare property in San Pedro, Laguna sequestered by the Presidential Commission and is said to be owned by the government.
Crown Asia’s claim is being contested by residents and settlers in the area, who said the Calamba City Register of Deeds has no record of the title and Deed of Absolute Sale that Crown Asia presented to prove its claim. It appears that the Supreme Court has declared the land as sequestered property, ownership of which is expected to be formally transferred by the Sandiganbayan to the government anytime soon. The residents are saying that once the transfer to the government is effected, they expect to be given pre-emptive rights to buy and own the property.
What all these indicate is that in his dealings and actions, whether in business, sports, gambling or in politics, clearly Manny Villar will spare nothing to get what he wants. What happens if, despite all his efforts, he still doesn’t get what he wants?
Unfortunately for him, many of his land deals seem to be tainted with controversy, some bordering on dishonesty. In this regard, Senators Jamby Madrigal and Panfilo Lacson had accused him of graft.
Former President Joseph Estrada says that Villar attempted to bribe him. Three of Villar’s colleagues in the Senate – Dick Gordon, Senate President Juan Ponce Enrile and Madrigal also aired similar accusations. All these supposed bribery attempts are heavily loaded with political undertones and could well be aimed at countering Vilar’s overweening political ambitions.
In aiming for the presidency, he is like a man possessed who will employ all means, including spending a scandalous amount, estimated at more than P2 billion as of this month, to fuel his relentless drive to capture Malacañang.
Truly, Manny Villar is turning out be a man with a monomaniacal mind.
Personally, I am uneasy with monomaniacs whether in business, sports or politics.
The reality is that he just might become president. And that is scary. What if, should he become our president, he is tempted (as all our presidents have been), to become our president for life? Then, he would be one-up on GMA.
source : http://www.malaya.com.ph/03292010/edducky.html
Tuesday, March 30, 2010
And still, ‘mahirap’
MANUEL VILLAR HAD A MOST INTERESTING answer to the pile of evidence that they were never poor and that his kid brother did not die because they were poor.
His brother, he said, was in fact rushed to FEU because it was an emergency, and nobody thinks about expense during an emergency. But he was taken in as a charity patient. He died in any case because they could not afford the cost of his treatment. Their house in Tondo was so small all nine of them slept side by side on a single mat under a single mosquito net. That was what made his father take out a loan from the GSIS to buy the property in San Rafael payable in 20-25 years.
Even if these were true, and they can be easily disproven (except for the part where they all slept on a single mat, which only they can say), none of it makes things better, it makes them worse. They speak of values, or scale of priorities, or sense of proportion that do not commend him for president.
At the very least, why the utter powerlessness in the face of getting a brother cured, or at least in getting treatment for him, and the sudden powerfulness in the face of getting a house built? If you can secure a loan for a house payable in 20-25 years, why can’t you secure a loan for hospitalization payable in a lifetime? What kind of sense of values or scale of priorities is that?
The loan from the GSIS is already a dead giveaway. If you’re poor, you have no access to institutions like the GSIS. Access is one of the definitions of not-poor. Certainly access to government institutions is not a feature to be found among the dirt poor, which is how the bearded, motorcycle-riding, pistol-toting, “5-6” loan shark became a feature of the landscape. Even if you did manage to apply to the GSIS, the chances even then of getting a housing loan from it if you’re really dirt poor are, well, about the same chances as that story that Manny Villar really came from poor is true.
This thing particularly resonates with me because I know whereof he speaks. I do come from poor. We rented a tiny place in Naga City for P15 a month, and its ceiling was so low the American Jesuit who visited us had to stoop at the doorway to get in. We slept on a single mat under a single mosquito net, which was fine in the rain but not altogether pleasant in summer, notwithstanding that the temperature in the province, being smog-free, tended to fall drastically at night.
When my younger brother got polio, we all rushed to Manila to get him cured. We had nothing to sell, which is why I understand the full meaning of that word “proletarian,” whose fundamental condition is having no property. At least the Villars had their house in Tondo which they could have sold if it came to that. By dint of my father borrowing from kin and friend and taking advances on his pay, and by dint of him vowing as well to make a novena to Our Lady of Perpetual Help for whatever help she could give, my brother recovered. Not completely, he still suffers from a limp, but he recovered. My father honored the vow he made to Our Lady of Perpetual Help, completely wholly despite the cure being arguably partial (he was not one to bargain with Providence) dragging me along every Wednesday late afternoon to the Naga Cathedral (“Why me?”) for it.
It’s called resolve, it’s called resourcefulness, it’s called dedication.
A friend not quite incidentally texted me the other day to say, “How can you be poor and study in the Ateneo de Manila?” In my case, simple. I did not pay a single centavo for it, a whole slew of scholarships did. In fact I not only did not pay a single centavo for it, I brought home a few pesos saved from my allowance by dint of eating bread with marmalade as palaman for supper. What can I say? I was brilliant then as I am now. Which allowed me to escape a lifetime of poverty, in more ways than one: I not only escaped the crushing physical poverty of want, I escaped the even more crushing spiritual poverty of need. That is the need for more and more money, whatever it takes, which is a far more impoverished state than the Grapes-of-Wrath kind.
Which brings me to the Pandora’s Box Villar has opened by his insistence on waging a campaign based on his claims of knowing the poor. Because even if you grant that he was so, then all he did was to escape the poverty of want by embracing the poverty of need. The need to accumulate more and more lands and titles and money than you can possibly use in a hundred lifetimes.
In my time, many of the brilliant poor, who were scholars in various universities, saw where they came from and decided they would devote themselves not just to rescuing themselves from that plight but to rescuing others from that plight. The teeming others stuck like flies in a flytrap to untold misery. They became activists.
Today, that is seen in the heroism of someone like Efren Peñaflorida who came from poor but decided not to become rich in ways Villar will understand but to give back to the poor and become rich in ways Villar won’t. There he is, opening the minds of the poor in narrow alleyways and spacious cemeteries with his kareton classroom.
All Villar did was, well, the same thing Lucio Tan did, and Lucio Tan has a far more valid claim to having once been poor, having true bote-dyaryo origins. You do not become a billionaire by sympathizing with the poor, you become a billionaire by screwing the poor. By selling cigarettes as a cancerous crony, by resorting to diversions, extensions and outright dispossession of others long before you become a senator. Weren’t the activists who are now with him charging him not too long ago with land-grabbing?
Villar wasn’t just mahirap once, he remains mahirap today. So in ways that go beyond the pedestrian meaning of poor.
source - http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquireropinion/columns/view/20100330-261658/And-still-mahirap
His brother, he said, was in fact rushed to FEU because it was an emergency, and nobody thinks about expense during an emergency. But he was taken in as a charity patient. He died in any case because they could not afford the cost of his treatment. Their house in Tondo was so small all nine of them slept side by side on a single mat under a single mosquito net. That was what made his father take out a loan from the GSIS to buy the property in San Rafael payable in 20-25 years.
Even if these were true, and they can be easily disproven (except for the part where they all slept on a single mat, which only they can say), none of it makes things better, it makes them worse. They speak of values, or scale of priorities, or sense of proportion that do not commend him for president.
At the very least, why the utter powerlessness in the face of getting a brother cured, or at least in getting treatment for him, and the sudden powerfulness in the face of getting a house built? If you can secure a loan for a house payable in 20-25 years, why can’t you secure a loan for hospitalization payable in a lifetime? What kind of sense of values or scale of priorities is that?
The loan from the GSIS is already a dead giveaway. If you’re poor, you have no access to institutions like the GSIS. Access is one of the definitions of not-poor. Certainly access to government institutions is not a feature to be found among the dirt poor, which is how the bearded, motorcycle-riding, pistol-toting, “5-6” loan shark became a feature of the landscape. Even if you did manage to apply to the GSIS, the chances even then of getting a housing loan from it if you’re really dirt poor are, well, about the same chances as that story that Manny Villar really came from poor is true.
This thing particularly resonates with me because I know whereof he speaks. I do come from poor. We rented a tiny place in Naga City for P15 a month, and its ceiling was so low the American Jesuit who visited us had to stoop at the doorway to get in. We slept on a single mat under a single mosquito net, which was fine in the rain but not altogether pleasant in summer, notwithstanding that the temperature in the province, being smog-free, tended to fall drastically at night.
When my younger brother got polio, we all rushed to Manila to get him cured. We had nothing to sell, which is why I understand the full meaning of that word “proletarian,” whose fundamental condition is having no property. At least the Villars had their house in Tondo which they could have sold if it came to that. By dint of my father borrowing from kin and friend and taking advances on his pay, and by dint of him vowing as well to make a novena to Our Lady of Perpetual Help for whatever help she could give, my brother recovered. Not completely, he still suffers from a limp, but he recovered. My father honored the vow he made to Our Lady of Perpetual Help, completely wholly despite the cure being arguably partial (he was not one to bargain with Providence) dragging me along every Wednesday late afternoon to the Naga Cathedral (“Why me?”) for it.
It’s called resolve, it’s called resourcefulness, it’s called dedication.
A friend not quite incidentally texted me the other day to say, “How can you be poor and study in the Ateneo de Manila?” In my case, simple. I did not pay a single centavo for it, a whole slew of scholarships did. In fact I not only did not pay a single centavo for it, I brought home a few pesos saved from my allowance by dint of eating bread with marmalade as palaman for supper. What can I say? I was brilliant then as I am now. Which allowed me to escape a lifetime of poverty, in more ways than one: I not only escaped the crushing physical poverty of want, I escaped the even more crushing spiritual poverty of need. That is the need for more and more money, whatever it takes, which is a far more impoverished state than the Grapes-of-Wrath kind.
Which brings me to the Pandora’s Box Villar has opened by his insistence on waging a campaign based on his claims of knowing the poor. Because even if you grant that he was so, then all he did was to escape the poverty of want by embracing the poverty of need. The need to accumulate more and more lands and titles and money than you can possibly use in a hundred lifetimes.
In my time, many of the brilliant poor, who were scholars in various universities, saw where they came from and decided they would devote themselves not just to rescuing themselves from that plight but to rescuing others from that plight. The teeming others stuck like flies in a flytrap to untold misery. They became activists.
Today, that is seen in the heroism of someone like Efren Peñaflorida who came from poor but decided not to become rich in ways Villar will understand but to give back to the poor and become rich in ways Villar won’t. There he is, opening the minds of the poor in narrow alleyways and spacious cemeteries with his kareton classroom.
All Villar did was, well, the same thing Lucio Tan did, and Lucio Tan has a far more valid claim to having once been poor, having true bote-dyaryo origins. You do not become a billionaire by sympathizing with the poor, you become a billionaire by screwing the poor. By selling cigarettes as a cancerous crony, by resorting to diversions, extensions and outright dispossession of others long before you become a senator. Weren’t the activists who are now with him charging him not too long ago with land-grabbing?
Villar wasn’t just mahirap once, he remains mahirap today. So in ways that go beyond the pedestrian meaning of poor.
source - http://opinion.inquirer.net/inquireropinion/columns/view/20100330-261658/And-still-mahirap
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